In the two previous chapters, we took a broad approach to our main research question of how existing digital self-control tools (DSCTs) can help us identify effective design patterns, and analyse a large number of tools in online stores. In the present chapter, we focus in on how this can inform subsequent targeted studies of promising design patterns.Thus, in surveying existing DSCTs, we encountered many examples of tools providing interventions aimed specifically at supporting self-control over use of Facebook (e.g., Newsfeed Eradicator, JDev (2019)).However, no existing studies have evaluated their effectiveness.This chapter presents a controlled study exploring how UI interventions drawn from popular DSCTs on the Chrome Web store affect patterns of use and perceived control over Facebook use.We randomly assigned 58 university students to one of three intervention conditions: goal reminders, newsfeed removed, or white background (control).Their Facebook use was logged for 6 weeks, with interventions applied in the two middle weeks, and we administered biweekly surveys as well as post-study interviews.
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No studies have assessed how interventions found in these tools may alleviate self-control struggles on Facebook.However, recent studies have investigated how temporarily deactivating or not logging in to Facebook affect subjective well-being (Allcott et al. 2019; Mosquera et al. 2019; Tromholt 2016; Vanman, Baker, and Tobin 2018).The findings from these studies have largely been in agreement, with Allcott et al. (2019) the largest to date:in a study where 580 participants were randomly assigned to deactivate their accounts for four weeks and compared to 1,081 controls, Facebook deactivation increased offline activities (including socialising with family and friends and watching TV) and subjective well-being, and decreased online activity (including other social media than Facebook).Moreover, Facebook deactivation caused a large and persistent reduction in Facebook use after the experiment.
You can see the trend now where major labels are starting DRM free downloads. I see this continuing. If this prediction does come through, then I see a techi rebellion that could be damaging to the network itself. Bottom line is the there will always be ways to get around DRM, and the hacker community will continue to work ways around DRM and IT systems.
According to an online survey among over 2,000 U.S. adults conducted by Harris Poll on behalf of Dashlane, the leader in online identity and password management, nearly four in ten Americans (39%) would sacrifice sex for one year if it meant they never had to worry about being hacked, having their identity stolen, or their accounts breached. With a new hack or breach making news almost daily, people are constantly being reminded about the importance of secure passwords, yet some are still not following proper password protocol.
The internet remains relatively free in Hungary, and the government does not engage in any politically motivated blocking or filtering of online content. However, individuals and websites have been held liable by Hungarian courts for content posted on their pages by third parties, a practice which has been condemned by the European Court of Human Rights as undermining the right to freedom of expression. The diversity of the online media landscape is further threatened by the inequitable and politically biased distribution of advertising revenue, resulting in the closure of some independent online outlets over the past few years.
Since 2011, the state-owned Hungarian News Agency (MTI) has had a virtual monopoly in the news market. MTI offers its news free of charge, making it difficult for other actors to compete. Many online media outlets that have been impacted by the economic crisis lack staff to produce original stories and tend to republish MTI news items. MTI is part of the system of public service broadcasting under the media authority. During the refugee crisis of 2015, public service media content was in line with the government's anti-refugee stance.[73]
Blogs are generally considered an opinion genre and do not typically express independent or balanced news. There are also blogs analyzing governmental policies, the activities of public figures, and corruption. The comments sections of online articles are moderated, typically to prevent negative discussions. A survey conducted in 2011 among netizens indicated that 87 percent of the respondents encountered trolling on websites, but an overwhelming majority of the respondents considered commenting as a form of freedom of expression.[75]
The right to freedom of expression is protected in the Fundamental Law of Hungary, and the government does not generally prosecute individuals for posting controversial political or social content online. However, the law includes criminal penalties for defamation, and public officials occasionally initiate defamation proceedings against individuals posting critical content on social media. Judicial oversight of surveillance by intelligence agencies continues to be a concern, and the government recently passed a law granting authorities access to encrypted communications.
The Fundamental Law of Hungary acknowledges the right to freedom of expression and defends "freedom and diversity of the press,"[84] although there are no laws that specifically protect online expression. In 2013, the Fundamental Law was amended to specify instances in which freedom of speech could be limited. Article 9.2 states that freedom of speech may not be exercised with the aim of violating the dignity of the Hungarian nation or of any national, ethnic, racial, or religious community. The amendment has been criticized for its overbroad scope and lack of clarity.[85]
Hungarian law does not distinguish between traditional and online media outlets in libel or defamation cases, and the criminal code stipulates that if slander is committed "before the public at large," it can be punished by imprisonment of up to one year.[91] On November 5, 2013, the criminal code was modified to include prison sentences for defamatory video or audio content. Anyone creating such a video can be punished by up to one year in prison, while anyone publishing such a recording can be punished by up to two years. If the video is published on a platform with a wide audience or causes significant harm, the sentence can increase to up to three years in prison.[92] The amendment was condemned both by domestic and international actors for threatening freedom of expression and for targeting the media.[93] While libel and defamation are generally prosecuted by the victim, in cases where a public official brings the charge, the state will provide a public prosecutor. In these cases, the defendant must go through an invasive registration process: his or her photograph and fingerprints are taken before the court procedure even begins.[94] 2ff7e9595c
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